| Nock on Shaw
by Thomas E. Brewton
Most people today who know of playwright George Bernard Shaw at all
probably acquired that acquaintance indirectly via the hugely successful
Broadway musical "My Fair Lady," which was an adaptation of Shaw's
"Pygmalion." To appreciate Shaw's role outside the literary field, it's
necessary to understand a bit more about the late Victorian period in
England and its impact upon political and economic doctrine in the
United States.
Shaw was a founder in 1883, along with Beatrice and Sidney Webb, of the
Fabian Society, which aimed at replacing the British constitution with
the planned and top-to-bottom-managed economy of socialism. The
essential difference between the Fabians and Karl Marx and Friedrich
Engels, who had written the notorious Communist Manifesto in England
forty years earlier, was the Fabians' tactic of gradualist rather than
revolutionary implementation of socialism.
Fabian gradualism was the model emulated in the United States during the
same period under the banners variously of Populism in the 1890s,
Progressivism from the 1890s into the 1920s, and liberalism in the 1930s
under Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal. Among its earliest exemplars was
Teddy Roosevelt, an 1880 graduate of Harvard, which was in the process
of abandoning its historic mission of training Christian ministers and
turning wholly toward the atheistic materialism that now dominates all
of
the Ivy League and most other colleges and universities today.
Teddy's young cousin Franklin Roosevelt, graduating from Harvard in
1904, got a full-throttle indoctrination in the materialistic
conceptions of socialism. Graham Wallas, one of the early Fabians,
taught at Harvard, where his star pupil was 1909 graduate Walter
Lippmann, president of the Harvard Socialist Club and later co-founder
with Herbert Croly of The New Republic, one of the most influential
liberal publications before World War II. Mr. Lippman in later years,
observing the wreckage of socialism in practice, became an adherent of
our original constitutionalism.
Celebrated libertarian analyst Albert Jay Nock's "The Socialism of Mr.
Shaw" gets him just right.
Mr. Shaw is a Socialist. In his view the extreme of collectivist
Statism is a cure for all ills, like the old grandmother's pennyroyal.
In politics it will abolish the party system, simplify procedures, and
ensure the keeping of good and capable men in office. Mr. Shaw's State
will establish equality of income, provide the right kind of education
for children, settle the land-question, control production and
distribution, keep everybody at work, and so forth and so on; and all
in the public interest. Mr. Shaw unsparingly diagnoses the various
ills to which the body politic is heir; his diagnosis is complete and
correct; and for each and every ill he prescribes the one remedy -
State action.
In 1797, ten years after our Constitution was drafted, Chief
Justice Jay said in a letter to a friend that every political
theory which does not regard mankind as being what they are will prove abortive. Just this is the
root-trouble with Mr. Shaw's theory and with all other forms of
collectivist Statism; they do not regard mankind as being what
they are.
The fundamental, and by now almost permanent, damage to
constitutionalism in the United States was the collectivization of power
in Washington, at the expense of state and local governments, that
eliminated the most important of James Madison's "auxiliary precautions"
against concentration of power. Since the New Deal, the Bill of Rights
has become, in effect, a discretionary document to be set aside whenever
state-planners find it conflicting with individual rights such as
private property, religious freedom, and the right to bear arms. It all
goes back to socialism and progressivism and Shaw had a good part in
undermining the old order.
Thomas E. Brewton is a staff writer for the New Media Alliance, Inc. The
New Media Alliance is a non-profit (501c3) national coalition of
writers, journalists and grass-roots media outlets.
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